VIDEO FRANCE: RIOTS, VIOLENCE, FIRES, POLICE ATTACKS IN NO GO ZONES

VIDEO FRANCE: Riots, violence, fires, police attacks plague Toulouse, “zones of lawlessness” (no-go zones)

The horror (again) of the utter lawlessness in Muslim no-go areas in France continues to grow. This holds no news appeal to the enemedia – but use the word “no-go zones” and you and your reputation will be destroyed, your career in a shambles and your name will be preceded by ‘alt right’ “racist-islamophobic-anti-Muslim-bigot” in news reports that mention your sullied name.

Ask Steve Emerson how that goes.

Le Figaro calls them “lost territories.”

Google translate from Le Figaro:

THE VIOLENCE IN TOULOUSE RAISES AGAIN THE QUESTION OF “ZONES OF LAWLESSNESS”

By Journalist Figaro Paul Sugy, April 18, 2018:

FIGAROVOX / INTERVIEW – Several neighborhoods in Toulouse have been plagued since Sunday night by urban riots. For Guillaume Jeanson, this violence reveals that security policies have still not restored the republican order in these “lost territories”.

Guillaume Jeanson is a lawyer at the Paris Bar and spokesperson for the Institute for Justice.

RECALL OF FACTS. In Toulouse, since Sunday evening, the “hot” areas of the city are the scene of violence of a rare intensity. Every night vehicles are set on fire by dozens of young rioters who lash out at the police: they then take the police or the firemen to go, throwing projectiles at them or shooting them with mortar . The police station in the Mirail neighborhood was also the target of a stall.

FIGAROVOX.- The urban violence that has been taking place in Toulouse since Sunday night is like a “game of cat and mouse” with the police. What are young rioters looking for?

Guillaume JEANSON.- The immediately visible face of the urban violence that has occurred three nights in a row in Toulouse since Sunday is that which pits police against young rioters. Following a well-known grid of reading, some will not fail to analyze these riots like the last stirrings of a deep enmity opposing these young “stigmatized” to a font of which they legitimately exonerate the burrs real or supposed. Following such a prism, these actions would be part of a logic of “resistance” to a “oppression” of the state.

The challenge here is to remove certain areas from the laws of the Republic and subject them to other laws.

Without denying the fact that many of the young rioters probably live their fight well, it is essential not to overshadow another reality. A reality already well known criminologists and actors in the field, which we find systematically at work in the dynamics leading to what it is now known to call “zones of lawlessness”. The challenge here is the control of a territory. The challenge here is to remove certain areas from the laws of the Republic and subject them to other laws. The young rioters therefore seek especially, by methods sometimes close to the urban guerrilla, to drive out any emanation of the State. This explains why, beyond the police, in the “lost territories of the Republic”, firefighters, postal workers and doctors are also targeted. The population is being held hostage. Why is such control sought? My colleague Thibault de Montbrial recently wrote in your columns: “for two reasons: to continue to prosper (the) traffics, and maintain a community logic dictated by a radical Islam.”

Some sources cite as the cause of the outbreak of violence the control of a woman in niqab, which would have degenerated. Is not this clothing prohibited by law? Is it still much worn?

Other sources also cite as the cause of this outbreak the rumor that prison supervisors were behind the death this weekend of a young Toulouse detainee. Despite the prosecutor’s confirmation of the suicide by hanging from the latter to the disciplinary ward, many incidents occurred. The day before yesterday, 200 detainees refused to reinstate their cells, yesterday still 90 of them operated a blockage. The ERIS, the regional intervention and security teams, even had to intervene in the prison. Given the proportions that took this drama, it is likely that he also had a strong impact at Mirail.

To return to the niqab on which you question me, remember that it is an integral veil that covers the face except the eyes – a point that differentiates it from the burqa. It thus appears for many to be the double sign of a radical Islam and the subjugation of women. In recent years, many countries have banned it. Last year, for example, Morocco banned manufacturing and sale, while Germany banned some of its use. In France, we must go back to 2010: a resolution was first adopted by the National Assembly on May 11 to consider “that radical practices detrimental to dignity and equality between men and women, among which the wearing of an integral veil, are contrary to the values ​​of the Republic. A law was then promulgated on the following 11th October, to prohibit the concealment of the face in the public space. This law has been widely criticized and its application has been sporadic. Everyone remembers the media “blitzes” of Rachid Nekkaz, the Algerian businessman who ostensibly paid the fines for women violating this new law.

Why does the wearing of the full veil still crystallize so much tension?

In France, the wearing of the niqab in the public space exacerbates tensions because it is a visible example of the frontal opposition between certain religious obligations – defended by a particularly rigorous conception of Islam – and a republican prohibition. On the one hand, it is perceived as contempt for the authority of the state, a sign of a disturbing community retreat, and, on the other, as a pretext for stigmatization and Islamophobic harassment.

When police enforce the law, it can be an assault on the public.

In January 2017, France 2 broadcast a report by François Chilowicz on the district of Mirail entitled “unpopular neighborhood”. After explaining calmly and face camera why “he was not Charlie”, one of the inhabitants interviewed continued in these terms: “I find they block us, they block us by talking about the veil, yes do not do It’s not necessary to put that, no it’s badly seen, the beards and beards, it becomes stigmatizing … ” The voice-over continued: ” As much get used to, any discussion in the neighborhood often ends with a reference to the Islam, it works like this here, religion comes to fill the voids and to relieve the existence “. A little further, about a rapper warning that “without Islam, Reynerie would be Chicago (…) because there is Islam and there are still weapons that circulate …” , the voice-over explained: he “is the first who made me feel how the inhabitants of Mirail raised the Islam around them as a barrier of security, a sensitive fault that touches them in the heart and that we must not attack. ” Aggression seems to have taken the form of the control of this woman in niqab. If this were to be the case, it would be extremely worrying to observe that henceforth the mere fact that the police could enforce the laws of the Republic throughout the territory could constitute, in itself, an “aggression” against eyes of part of the population.

The Mirail district, in Toulouse, was classified “ZSP”, a priority security zone, by François Hollande. Peace still does not seem to come back … Is this an exception, or is it like many other neighborhoods?

ZSPs are a mechanism created in 2012-2013 by the Ayrault government. It took place in three successive waves, delimiting first fifteen, then forty-nine and finally sixteen zones, all considered by the public authorities as “suffering more than others from daily insecurity and a rooted delinquency ” or ” known for a few years a serious deterioration of its security conditions “.

To put it quickly, the idea was to provide these areas with a larger number of police and gendarmes. The ZSPs are thus numerous and enamel throughout the national territory. In this sense we can say that the Mirail is not an exception.

Are these ZSPs a success? Alas no, as the events of the Mirail show us and as other examples illustrate. The very first ZSP, that of Barbès-Château-Rouge in Paris, which includes in particular the district of the Rue Dejean, was for example a place of harsh resistance on the part of residents, the first victims of this delinquency installed . Mobilized in association, “Dejean life”, these residents have not stopped, before the inertia of the authorities and the inefficiency of the actions carried out by the police, to lead with courage all kinds of mobilizations, even going as far as to seize the justice. In 2016, the Paris Administrative Court recognized the fault of the prefecture and the town hall for the insecurity and insalubrity of the district. The following year, the Paris Administrative Court of Appeal confirmed this decision. And, rather than bring real answers on the ground, the authorities preferred to continue this procedure by seizing the Council of State.

The challenge posed by these neighborhoods is political, legal and cultural.

How is it that the state is powerless to maintain the republican order?

ZSPs have been, as we can see, a largely insufficient response to the scale of the problem. We can only hope that the new security police of the day will be more effective in dealing with this scourge. But the challenge is big. It is as legal and political as cultural. Recently questioned by the Institute for Justice about this new police force, Patrice Ribeiro, police commander and secretary general of the union Synergie-Officers, questioned him: “How can police officers be credible and embody the authority when, at their mere sight, the neighborhood’s big guys, strong in their sense of impunity, insult and physically assault them while returning to peror and bend the torso the next day? They are the embodiment of authority in the cities. We will come back to it only if the whole penal chain works and the magistrates stop simply to “say the law” without impregnating themselves with local realities. It is often enough to imprison the most violent elements to appease a neighborhood. It’s a dimension that escapes too often in a judgment. ”

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